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Interview with Sam Cowie on the Presidential Elections in Brazil 2022

In October this year Brazilians go to the polls to elect their president. There is a lot at stake as the country grapples with its recovery from the covid pandemic, as the incumbent Bolsonaro looking to seal a second term in office. However former president Lula da Silva has made a long awaited political comeback and is looking to get elected for a third time as head of state. I spoke to São Paulo based journalist Sam Cowie to get his thoughts on how events might unfold in this crucial election for South America’s biggest democracy. In this in-depth interview Sam shares his insights and expertise on the political set up in Brazil and how the candidates might fare in the elections.

Q. What do you see as being the main issues in this electoral campaign?

Several right? Basically the ongoing conflict between President Bolsonaro and other Brazilian institutions namely the supreme court, the supreme electoral court. You may have noticed that President Bolsonaro has a deep mistrust of Brazil’s electronic voting system. This goes against all evidence and expert opinion including that of the federal police, the head of the senate and the speaker of the lower house, who is technically a Bolsonaro ally. They publicly defended the electronic voting system this week, after Bolsonaro raised doubts about it again. 

Broadly speaking it’s basically whether Mr Bolsonaro and his supporters, are going to accept the result of the election if it does not go their way. That leads a lot of people and analysts to worry whether there will be a kind of Brazilian version of Capitol Hill 2021, when Donald Trump supporters rushed Congress. Broadly speaking those are the main issues here. 

Regarding the electoral campaign itself, OK, so you have got other issues; fake news, violence… The last election campaign was characterised by fake news attacks, some of them pretty ludicrous, one of the big fake news stories going around was the idea of this baby bottle that had a penis shaped teat, a mamadeira pirocathey call it here, these ridiculous things… And also the violence right, Bolsonaro was actually stabbed and was nearly killed. You did have quite a lot of violence directed at non Bolsonaro supporters; it was a pretty dirty and violent campaign, all round pretty much. How much dirtier and how much more violent it’s going to be, these are some of the main concerns floating around at the moment. 

Then of course you’ve got the role of the military, are the men loyal to Bolsonaro, they going to accept the results of the election if he loses? What happens if they don’t? 

The Brazilian National Congress in Brasilia
(Photo by felipefrazao via Canva)

Q.  Do you think the war in Ukraine will play a role in the election? 

Yes, it already is. With the war in Ukraine, the world economy in general is completely volatile and crazy, you have the transport and logistics bottlenecks caused by covid and right off the back of that, basically before things even managed to recover, then you’ve got the war in Ukraine so between the sanctions in Russia and the bottlenecks caused by the war itself in terms of Ukraine getting its exports out, what’s happening to Brazil right now is you are seeing astronomical rises in fuel, in cooking gas – bottled cooking gas, botijão which is used by 90% of the population, the prices have gone up ridiculously. Fuel prices have gone up. 

I had this conversation with an analyst last week, Mario Sergio Lima, he told me that basically Brazil is a country that relies so much on road transport, when the price of fuel goes up then the price of food goes up too, so you’ve got this secondary effect. Also Brazil is a big importer of wheat, it does produce some wheat but overall it imports more; wheat prices have risen sharply. So the effects that you’re going to see here because of the war in Ukraine, because of the price of commodities especially oil and food commodities, is higher inflation eating into the pockets of Brazilians. According to Datafolha (the most reliable polling system) most people blame the president, whether it’s really his fault or not, you could argue that he has not done enough, he has not introduced any public policies to try and keep prices down or provide alternatives. But that’s a different conversation right?

The point here is, at the end of the day, people feel inflation, they feel price rises and they blame that rightly or wrongly on the president. So that plays against Bolsonaro’s re-election chances. 

Q. This year there are many high profile candidates, including the mayor of São Paulo, João Doria, and Ciro Gomes, a stalwart of presidential elections. Does this show that Brazilians have a good variety of choice at the ballot box? 

Those two candidates don’t stand a chance of winning quite frankly, they would only stand a chance of winning if either Lula or Bolsonaro dropped out of the race. Every single year in Brazil you have multiple presidential candidates. It’s not like other democracies that English speaking readers might be more familiar with like the UK or the US where you only have two candidates because you basically only have two parties. Brazil is a multi-party democracy, too many parties quite frankly, there are something like thirty parties registered in congress, the majority of them don’t have any real clear ideology, a lot of them are practically just there for rent seeking and patronage. 

In every single Brazilian election you always have at least six candidates, you might have two front runners… but this is perhaps a more decided election than ever, in certainly the last few elections. In 2014 there were three candidates who looked to have a chance, Dilma Rousseff who was the incumbent at the time for PT, Aécio Neves and Marina Silva the former environment minister. At some point Marina overtook Aécio in the polls; the point is that in 2014, those three at some point stood a chance or looked like they might win or at least make it to the second round. At the moment, you’ve got two candidates and the majority of people polled have already decided who they are going to vote for. So there’s no real chance that any of these other candidates, whether it’s Ciro Gomes or João Doria, both polling at under 10%, are going to win or even make it to the second round at this stage, not unless somebody else drops out of the race, which doesn’t seem likely at this stage. 

Q. Despite this broad range of candidates, do you see any other eventuality other than Bolsonaro and Lula da Silva making it to the second round? 

At this stage absolutely not. All of the other candidates are polling in single digits. There was this whole talk of a third way candidate but they’ve been talking about that for a long time now and it hasn’t gone anywhere. 

The Alvorada Palace, official residence of the President of Brazil
(Photo by felipefrazao via Canva)

Q. Do you think there will be a peaceful transfer of power if Bolsonaro does not win the election? Or is it likely that the result will be disputed? 

It’s really difficult to say. I mean a lot can change between now, and the election is still six months away basically, for the first round at least; a lot can change in that time. But the thing is, if Lula beats Bolsonaro by a wide margin then there’s less room for him to claim fraud. On some level he may just claim fraud anyway. It’s a really difficult question and quite frankly it’s the question on everyone’s lips at the moment, will there be a peaceful transfer of power, will there be some incident? 

What we need to see in Brazil is how many people are prepared, if Bolsonaro refuses to accept the result of the election, to stand by him. How many people are going to back him? Are certain sections of the military going to back him? Are certain sections of congress going to back him? What are his supporters going to do? What are his allied politicians going to do? What are his supporters on the streets going to do? This is the real question here. 

The situation is not 1964 when there was a military coup, that was backed by the United States, because it was cold war. If there was to be some kind of coup, how would that manifest itself, what shape would it take? Would it be Bolsonaro refusing to accept the elections? Would people go along with Bolsonaro if he refused to accept the elections or not? That is the question. I don’t think it’s very likely the idea of a military coup with tanks on the street, that kind of stuff doesn’t really happen these days. It’s more institutional based coups. 

Q. Seemingly Bolsonaro’s base remains strong; is it likely he will have enough support to beat Lula da Silva who is ahead in the polls? 

Probably not at this stage. Bolsonaro has gained ground in the polls recently mainly because of one of the other right wing candidates Sergio Moro, who was Bolsonaro’s justice minister, dropped out of the presidential race, so it seems a lot of his voters have transferred their vote to Bolsonaro, rather unsurprisingly some would say. 

The reality is that Bolsonaro has a solid base but he also has very high rejection rates, and the state of the economy, which is a big driver, anywhere but especially in Brazil, which is a middle income country that is very wealthy in some parts but it also has very high rates of poverty. No, I would say at the moment at least, and most people agree, Lula is still the favourite. Bolsonaro does have a chance of winning, yes of course he does. But Lula is the heavy favourite. 

Q. What kind of a role is fake news and misinformation likely to play in this campaign? 

It’s a really interesting question, because last time it played a huge role. You have to question yourself, how much do people really believe fake news? Does it change people’s minds? Or does it just add more fuel to the fire? Or does it reinforce existing prejudices and opinions? Whether it’s fake news in Brazil, the US, Hungary, or wherever it is, whatever country is having a problem with fake news, this is the real issue. Nobody still really understands how much fake news does effect elections or not. It’s important to remember that. 

Will fake news play a role in this election? It definitely will. Will it play as much as a role as last time? Will that role change? I imagine so, everything evolves, all of these electoral tactics, they all evolve, as you can’t just repeat the same tactics as last time, things have changed. Are people wiser to fake news now then they were before? That’s the big question here. Also if you look at the state of Brazil right now coming out of covid and then war in Ukraine, prices on everyday household items, through the roof, are people really going to be paying that much attention to fake news? Or are they going to be voting with their pockets? It’s another huge question. 

It definitely played a substantial role in the last election. I’m not sure really how many people saw a fake news piece on WhatsApp of things like that Haddad would introduce sex education for children under five at school for example, all of this bizarre stuff. I don’t know how many people really believe that or whether it just reenforces existing prejudices. And that’s the big thing all over the world, people haven’t really worked out the effect of it yet. But people are wiser to it now. 

What’s the main issue in this election right? The main issue in the last election you could argue was corruption, and what we call here the pauta de costumes, corruption, public security and this identity politics stuff. This election is different, this is an election that is going to be decided on the economy. 

Q. Did the elections of Alberto Fernandez in Argentina and Gabriel Boric in Chile make it more likely that a left wing candidate will get elected in Brazil? 

It’s hard to say. Most Brazilians don’t have any connection with Argentina and even less so with Chile. In terms of politics they look much more to the United States than they do to other Latin American countries, in general. But these things often come in waves, we saw that with the so called pink tide, when you had left leaning governments elected over Latin America, in South America especially in the early 2000’s period, up until the 2010’s. 

The fact of the matter is, it’s not necessarily about those candidates being elected there, what it’s more about is a generalised dissatisfaction of voters in this region, this region that’s been hit really bad by covid, that’s feeling the effects of the Ukraine war, that has had sluggish economic growth beforehand, has extremely high levels of inequality; people are voting perhaps for left wing candidates more now because they see left wing candidates as doing more for them. I think it’s more a regional question of the economies of each country, I think that’s more the driving force as opposed to looking at candidates in other countries. 

But you could probably say that Boric in Chile has been quite inspirational for certain sections of the Brazilian left and left wing voters. Boric has already endorsed Lula, Dilma went to his inauguration in Chile. 

Q. History shows us that the incumbent has won re-elections in Brazil since Fernando Henrique Cardoso got elected in the 1990’s; will this play in Bolsonaro’s favour? 

Yeah it definitely plays in his favour, because you have all the levers of power. It will be to his advantage, but for many reasons again a lot of this comes down to the economic shocks of covid and the Ukraine war, you can have all of the levers of power, all the TV time and all the fake news that you want, but if people are  paying much more than they were paying the year before for basic foodstuffs, if people are paying more for gas prices and for fuel prices every single month, it makes those realities hard to deal with. You can’t ignore the reality and the reality is that people have less money and the economy continues to be weak. For the vast majority of the population the economy is not good. There are some people and some companies that have had some short term gains with the commodity price spike because of the Ukraine war, but for the vast majority that price spike has translated into higher fuel prices, higher cooking gas prices and as a result higher food prices. 

Bolsonaro faces a tough time getting re-elected because these are basic realities that you can’t just cover up. For example in the last election you could perhaps argue that the main issue for that election was about corruption and Bolsonaro as a candidate has always had a cloud of scandal whirling around him but because he was such an unimportant figure before, nobody really cared, it’s only post 2014/15 that he made inroads on the nation stage. Nobody expected him to get elected as president back in 2014 for example. Although the signs were there, anybody who plays close attention to politics, the signs were there; but still if we are talking about the last election and we say that the main issue was corruption and you’ve got a candidate like Bolsonaro who says things like “We’re going to end corruption” and “I’ve never been accused of corruption”, these are concepts, they are not real, you can’t touch them. It’s somebody saying something. When you go to the supermarket and onions are much more expensive than they were a few years ago that’s something real that affects people. So I think that’s the difference between the last election and this one. 

“When you go to the supermarket and onions are much more expensive than they were a few years ago that’s something real that affects people.”
( Photo by Couleur via Pixabay)

Q. What will be the main challenges and the most pressing issues for the elected president come October? 

For who wins, it’s going to be the same problems right? High fuel prices, high food prices, high gas prices, high unemployment. A lot of stuff basically! Lingering issues with public security, the homicide rate has dropped relatively in the last few years. Whether that is down to covid or whatever it is, I’m not exactly sure, violence in Brazil is a complex situation. But at the end of the day the homicide rate has dropped in most regions, one of the regions it didn’t drop was in the northern region, the Amazon, where it increased. But elsewhere overall it dropped. But Brazil is still an extremely violent country. These public security issues probably won’t play on the elections as much as last time, but will always be present. Bolsonaro will probably try to leverage that to his advantage as well, he’ll accuse the PT and Lula and others of being soft on crime. 

Another thing we need to see, how strong Bolsonaro is going to be in six months’ time. Is he going to be a weakened president because of the economy? If nobody can afford anything, if people are skipping meals, if people are using wood to cook with instead of gas… all of these things that are already happening now and seem like they will only get worse in six months, how strong is he going to be? If he’s completely weak then no one is going to back him in congress, his allies in  the military will be less likely to back him. This is the real question here, how strong will Bolsonaro be in six months from now. 

It also depends on who gets elected as well, if you’re going to have a bunch of congressmen that are faithful to Bolsonaro, they’re going to make it difficult for whoever gets into office. But at the same time Brazil is a pragmatic country. As soon as it is not in their interests any more people tend to switch sides pretty quickly in Brazilian politics. 

Rio de Janeiro – Extreme City by Luiz Eduardo Soares – Book Review

Translated version published by Penguin in 2016

Cover Image Mario Tama/Getty Images

This is a brutally honest portrayal of corruption in Brazil; an engrossing read in which we have to give credit to the author for his pull no punches approach, as he lays bare some of the most extreme examples of wanton police violence and brazen political wrongdoing.  

In many ways this book is an unofficial autobiography, as the author shares glimpses into his personal life like going to his first football match with his father or hosting a party for thirteen Swedish friends. These insights give us a view into the author’s life and makes his perspective warmer and easier to relate to. But it also creates a historical and political backdrop, contextualising key events that took place before, during and after the military dictatorship of 1964-1985. What’s more, the events take place in Rio de Janeiro the city that had been Brazil’s capital until 1960, just four years before the coup d’état, that would usher in the dictatorship. 

You have to admire the sheer courage of Soares to put into words some outrageous examples of abuses of power that he witnessed first-hand as a politician at local and national level. What is revealing is just the staggering depth of the problems that exist in Rio and Brazil more broadly; engrained problems that have existed for generations that have no easy solutions. And whilst Soares himself tries bravely to confront these issues head on (and this respect he acts as a whistle blower) he is more often than not met with a brick wall of defiance, warning him not to overstep the mark. His optimism and ambition to change things for the better in his country are frequently met with cynicism and aggression urging him not to challenge the status quo. 

One of the most harrowing and hard to read episodes describes the systematic torture of the 21 year old student Dulce Pandolfi at the hands of government operatives during the military dictatorship. The author spares us no details as he lays bare the horrors of state authorised persecution of its own citizens, in an atmosphere where freedom of speech had been done away with and censorship of the press meant that crimes of that nature went unreported.

“When the Brazilian dictatorship was in full stride, between 1969 and 1974, there was no need to hurry. The torturers had all the time in the world to sink the blade of terror into their victims’ flesh.” (p.47) 

The physical and psychological abuse that the victims were subjected to was truly horrendous and the author’s attention to detail demonstrates his desire for as much light as possible to be shed on this darkest of episodes in Brazilian history. 

Another enlightening section describes the time the author is called into a Rio favela, when he was serving as a local politician, in an attempt to calm an impending riot. He is undertaking this Herculean task when a police helicopter flies overhead to disperse the crowd and in the process displaying behaviour deliberately intended to provoke and intimidate the masses in a shameful abuse of power. Soares’ exasperation and rage are clear to see as he witnesses acts of corruption on a shocking scale. 

“The machine [helicopter] and its addendum – the laughing gunman acting out an aerial massacre – are designed to intimidate. Especially when they ascend and descend above the heads of the crowd, the roar of blades drowning out the other sounds.” (p.91)

The penultimate chapter discusses the June 2013 protests (which took place all over Brazil) and describes how the author unwittingly got caught up in the Rio march. Whilst the protests were originally about the rise in the price of transport fares, they soon turned into something much more generic in nature and were organised largely online via social media. Whilst there were a myriad of reasons why people came out onto the streets, the exorbitant amounts of money spent on major sporting events like the Football World Cup and the summer Olympics was a recurrent theme. But the incohesive and inhomogeneous nature of these manifestations was perhaps their most striking element. The author makes the following observation whilst still on the march itself.

“I opened the recorder app on my cell phone and said the following: anyone who tries to capture the demonstrations of 20 June 2013 in a nutshell risks wasting what was perhaps most essential to it: its dispersiveness.” (p.253)  

They were a spontaneous outpouring of grievances that had no greater message per se. It was a cry of discontent at large from the bowels of society, releasing years of pent up frustration and anger. At its peak the author estimated that there were about one million people thronging down the President Vargas Avenue in central Rio venting their discontent about the state and its modus operandi.

A connection is made to a similar rally that took place some thirty years earlier that the author attended in almost exactly the same part of the city in April 1984 showing that Rio had remained an important place of political manifestation throughout this time despite losing its status as capital. 

“Rio de Janeiro, though stripped of its capital status in 1960, continued to figure as the ultimate symbol of the nation.”(p.227)

However the 1984 protests had a clear message with clear goals, namely the end of the dictatorship and the immediate reinstatement of democracy. The impact the dictatorship had on people was also laid bare, especially on young people at the time. 

 “On 10 April 1984 I was exhausted. I’d had as much as I could take of the authoritarian regime. The dictatorship had desiccated two thirds of my life. From 1964 to 1984, all we had had was twenty years of fear and censorship.” (p. 242) 

With an almost depressingly level of predictability the 2013 protests ended in scenes of indiscriminate police violence as they attempted to break up the crowd. Rubber bullets were fired and tear gas incendiaries were launched at participants who were trying to get home, as people were hounded across the city in an attempt to reach safety. In an unfathomable paradox the police ended up provoking chaos and destruction rather than quelling it. 

Soares paints a brutal picture of his home city; brutal in its honesty and bravely to recount some of the appalling things he has been witness to. The account is made more sincere as it is a highly personal one and the authors’ directness makes for compelling reading. His talent for writing wonderfully brings to life scenes and snapshots from Brazil’s most famous city; at times you can almost feel the heat of the carioca summer or smell the grilled meat on the barbecue in the back yard, such it the vitality of his prose. Credit should also be given to Anthony Doyle for an illuminating translation from the original Portuguese. 

Soares brilliantly shares his myriad of emotions that are engendered through his everyday life in Brazilian society: love, joy, surprise, desperation, incredulity, despair. The rollercoaster ride is extreme and the jolts and shocks are uncomfortable. But this only adds to the depth and breadth of this fascinating book which is characterised by an unflinching level of honesty in the face of significant opposition. In putting his head above the parapet Soares confronts some of the most challenging issues faced by Brazilian society and his meticulous attention to detail means that the horrors of the past cannot be forgotten. 

This book would appeal to readers who would like to know more about the recent history of Brazil’s most iconic city and also that of Brazil as a whole. The internal issues highlighted by Soares are still playing out in Brazilian society today and understanding them can help us contextualise the challenges and machinations of this deeply complex country.

Rio de Janeiro at sunrise. From Canva.

Fordlandia by Greg Grandin – Book Review

In Fordlandia Greg Grandin discusses the creation, from scratch, of a town on the banks of the Tapajós River, in the Brazilian Rainforest, by one of the world’s most famous car makers, Henry Ford. The idea behind the ambitious project was to source locally grown rubber for manufacturing purposes, to compete with British and French companies who had the monopoly on the world market with products from their former colonies. 

The task proved to be a complicated and fraught journey that had many setbacks and false starts. The Ford Motor Company tried to replicate working methods and styles from their Headquarters in Michigan directly to the state of Pará in northern Brazil, in the heart of the Amazon jungle. The stark differences in climate, work ethic, language and lifestyle soon came to the fore and the Americans realised just what a gargantuan challenge lay ahead of them. But Fordlandia (and it’s later downstream sister town Belterra) soon became more than a rubber plantation, indeed it became an extension of American life and values of the 1930’s with schools, shops and a dance hall all built on the US model. Prohibition was even enforced for a time raising difficult questions about the jurisdiction of the land (which Ford had bought in 1927 but due to a lack of research by his lawyers, he could have got for free from the Brazilian government). 

Cover design – Rodrigo Corral Design/Ben Wiseman Cover Illustration – Mark Stutzman

The working styles and culture inevitably encountered problems as the idealistic American workers grappled with Brazilian heat, humidity, tropical diseases, bureaucracy, corruption as well as their own shortcomings underlined by an almost total lack of research from the outset relating to the production of rubber in the Amazon. The methods of blind enthusiasm that had proved so successful in the US proved equally as unsuccessful in Brazil. When describing the people aboard a boat heading to set up the new town, Grandin questions the suitability of the staff selected. 

“The Ormoc had plenty of science, brains, and money on board. What it didn’t have was a horticulturalist, agronomist, botanist, microbiologist, entomologist, or any other person on board who might know something about jungle rubber and its enemies.” (p.128) 

Nor did the crew of this boat exercise due diligence in terms of researching the local geography and topography of the river it was navigating. 

“No one told Sorensen that an underwater rock ledge cut across the Tapajós fifty miles downriver from where they planned to establish the plantation, making it impossible for ships the size of the Ormoc to reach the site during the dry season, when the water was low.” (p.125) 

The town soon turned into a financial black hole and in the end never made a profit, but this didn’t stop Ford continuing on his mission of exporting his way of life to a part of the world that was woefully unprepared to receive it. The idea of consumer capitalism to people living in one of the most rural and undeveloped parts of the world at that time was a hard sell. 

Ultimately what did for the project was the inability of their farmers and planters to contain a pestilence know as South American Leaf Blight (or mal-das-folhas in Portuguese) which ravaged successive crops year after year. This was down to a lack of understanding of how the sophisticated and complex jungle ecosystem worked. 

This book was published by Picador in 2009, and written by Greg Grandin who is a professor of history at Yale University. It is an excellent read and demonstrates a high level of research, which is manifested in the thorough degree of detail that is provided on the topics considered. The historian’s writing style is clear and coherent, and whilst some prior knowledge of Brazilian and American 20th century history would be helpful to the reader, Grandin’s in depth explanations mean that even complete newcomers to the subject can be guided through the events. The quality of this book is also demonstrated by the breadth of the themes that it covers meaning that it has a broad appeal. These themes include industrialization, the motor industry, the Great Depression and Wall Street Crash, the rise of Unionism, the New Deal and the presidencies of Franklin Roosevelt in the US and Getulio Vargas in Brazil. 

Historians, economists and political scientists would find this book especially appealing, as well as students of Brazilian and American 20th century history. But this really is a book for everyone such are the variety of the issues that are dealt with and the enjoyable pace at which the story is told. 

One of the most intriguing aspects of this book is the portrayal of Henry Ford himself as such a complex and talented individual who also had extremely contradictory personality traits that ranged from benevolence to sadism, from traditionalist to modernist. Undoubtedly one of the greatest engineers and businessmen of all time, the author exposes the inconsistencies of the magnate through his, at times, unpredictable decision making process. 

The subtitle of this book is “The Rise and Fall of Henry Ford’s forgotten Jungle City.” And indeed this is a forgotten chapter in history. When I asked Brazilian friends about Fordlandia, nearly all said that they had never heard of the place, let alone know the history that goes with it. This adds to the book’s weight as shining a light on a topic that is rarely discussed. 

The epilogue is particularly engaging as it concentrates on the impact that the creation of Fordlandia had on the Amazon and how that impact can be felt today. These broadly fall into two categories; deforestation and globalisation (which in this case are clearly linked). Ford’s town was responsible for the clearing of countless hectares of Amazon Rainforest to build the settlement and its rubber plant, a process that has accelerated at an alarming rate until the present day. The author highlights how the Amazon region has become an extremely violent and dangerous place due to the conflict between the illegal logging trade and the attempts at containing it. Readers also learn about the shocking number of ecological activists who have been murdered in the north of Brazil in recent decades including a high profile case in which an American nun was shot dead. 

“In 2005 in eastern Pará, gunmen hired by loggers killed Sister Dorothy Stang, a Maryknoll nun from the United States who had been working with local rural communities to oppose illicit logging.” (p.363) 

The trajectory of neoliberal economics is also considered in the epilogue. Henry Ford became famous for his high salaries paid to factory workers. If we compare that with the situation now where workers’ salaries are constantly being driven down in the quest for higher profit margins, it is shocking to see how much things have changed.

“Instead of Ford’s virtuous circuit of high wages and decent benefits generating expanding markets, a vicious one now rules: profits are derived not from well paid workers affluent enough to buy what they have made but from driving prices as low as they can go; this in turn renders good pay and humane benefits not only unnecessary for keeping the economy going but impossible to maintain, since the best, and at times only, place to cut production costs it labor.” (p.359) 

Grandin also mentions the issue of modern slavery which, unfortunately, is still a system that continues to this day in the Amazon. 

The epilogue is in many ways the part of the story that connects Henry Ford’s venture to the present day realities of pressing topics in the 21st century, namely global warming, neoliberal economics, the moral responsibility of business and the role business plays in international relations. Many of these issues are never far away from news headlines today. It is this relevance to current affairs that makes Grandin’s book such an interesting and timely piece of writing as a historical context is provided to many of the challenges that we are facing now. 

This book exceeded all expectations and this is due to the in depth research and clarity of writing style that the author demonstrates. This is a must read for people interested in early 20th century history, Brazil – USA relations and the Amazon Rainforest. But this book will also appeal to curious people looking to broaden their knowledge and learn about an unusual series of events that took place on the banks of the Tapajós River. 

Travelling in South America without a Phone

Phoneless in Natal, Brazil

I was four days into a six week trip around South America; it was a Saturday evening in early February and I was in a bar in Ipanema in Rio de Janeiro with some Spanish friends. Due to the time of year the carnival season had started and the streets were teeming with a mix of tourists and locals getting ready for a night of partying. The atmosphere was balmy but also frenetic as a sense of momentum was beginning to build; the informal street parties (known as blocos in Portuguese) were starting up. From afar you could hear the high pitch screeching of the whistles and the rumbling of the battery groups floating through the streets. You could hardly miss the “blocos”, they are made up of about a hundred people mostly wearing the colours of their samba school, but with an array of other outfits, wigs and fancy dress in the mix. 

As the crowd got closer, the music got louder and the atmosphere became more electric, I wanted to make a video of this animated scene, so I got out my phone, raised it above my head to get a better view and pressed record. I probably only filmed for about 15 seconds or so, but it was obviously long enough to mark me out as the most naïve person on that street at that time. I went back to talking to my friends.

Some time later I went into the bar, and when I came back the street was thronging with revellers in full swing; the crowds were singing and dancing and carnival had filled the street. As I wandered back towards my friends I was suddenly surrounded by a group of three men and a woman. I wasn’t that alarmed initially as the notion of personal space is completely different to what it is in Europe; a complete stranger can walk up to you in the street and stand right next to you whilst asking you a question, something that is hard to deal with the first time you go to South America. With this in mind I tried to squeeze past the group, but it soon dawned on me what was going on. Two of them barged right up against me as I walked past and as an automatic reaction I raised my arms up to try and move them away from me. With my arms raised my shorts pockets were left unprotected and before I knew it there was a hand rummaging around in my pocket. 

“My phone! My phone! Hey stop… Stop!” 

I actually saw the guy who had robbed me disappear in to the crowd; he was huge at about 6,4” tall.  He didn’t even run off, he just slid away into the multitude. His physical presence alone put me off going after him and with the violent crime levels what they are in Rio, I made an instinctive decision not to try and recuperate my phone from the thief. 

When I tried to remonstrate with the other members of the group, they just shouted, “What? What?”, playing dumb as if they didn’t have a clue what was going on. It was all done in less than a minute. And by the time I’d realised what was going on, it was over. I’d been mugged, or pickpocketed, take your pick. 

I told the bar manager what had happened and asked him to call the police; he more or less laughed in my face. “There’s no point, the police won’t be able to get your phone back! The thieves will be in the favela by now, you’ll just spend the whole evening at the police station filling in forms.” I suddenly felt a very long way from home. Reluctantly I conceded that he was right and I re-joined my friends. The silver lining was that I didn’t have my wallet stolen which was in the other pocket. It was the first time I’d been mugged so I was shocked at what had happened. They soon told me stories about how they had had similar experiences in other places like Barcelona,  New York and Paris. Luckily security on modern day smartphones is good so I didn’t have any worries about my phone actually being used. I’m sure it would just be wiped clean as soon as possible. And the most things would be saved on the cloud, except for photos taken in the previous 24 hours. 

It’s funny as I’d been warned a thousand times by Brazilians and non-Brazilian friends alike about being careful with my possessions, especially in Rio. This was my fourth time in Brazil and I’d never had a problem with safety or security before. And in some respects I naively thought that it would never happen to me, but it did; the bubble had burst. Maybe I had been lucky in the past, on this occasion I was unlucky. 

Once I got back to the hotel, I went straight onto my laptop to let people know what had happened. As I have an Apple laptop I could send messages to others with Apple devices, and I fired off some emails. I then set about trying to block my phone; I logged on to the EE website, and had a fruitless text message conversation with a robot. 

“Was this conversation helpful?”

“No.” 

After a while I found out that the only way of blocking the usage of my phone was to call the helpline. But I’ve had my phone stolen… 

I tried calling from the hotel reception but to no avail. I then asked to borrow a woman’s phone who I met in the reception and again the number didn’t work. I was now in a panic. In the end I managed to message my mum who was in New Zealand, and she managed from there to call EE and block my phone. What a rigmarole… I couldn’t believe that there wasn’t a way of blocking the thing online. 

So that was it, I was phoneless. And for the first time in as long as I can remember I went to bed without a handset next to me. 

The automatic reaction of people was; “Why don’t you just get another one?”

This thought had obviously crossed my own mind but the prices of electronic goods in Brazil are much higher in the UK due to import taxes. There is also no roaming in South America so I’d have to buy a new sim card in every town that I visited. But more to the point I wouldn’t have any of my numbers or contacts or even my British number, so how would I be able to get in touch with family and friends? I also figured that the day I bought a phone I would become a target once again for muggers (a bit cynical maybe). 

After some reflection I decided to plough ahead with my life without a phone. I knew it was going to be slightly odd, but I thought how hard could it be? My parents’ generation never had mobiles when they went travelling. I also liked the idea of having a challenge, as if being alone in a country with the highest homicide level in the world wasn’t enough of a challenge… 

Whilst still in Rio things actually weren’t that hard as you can normally find who you are looking for on the beach at Copacabana or Ipanema. But soon the sheen wore off and I was beginning to realise what an undertaking it would be.

 Having emailed my friends the day I was mugged the emails came back in drips and drabs over a two week period. And then there were the friends who replied three weeks later, and there was also a group who mysteriously never replied. A lot of the time these were people who had changed their email address since I last emailed them, and in some cases that was a long time. Facetime on my laptop was a lifesaver but this only worked for those who use Apple devices and if you want to have a call you have to arrange a time and be ready, sitting at your laptop. This can be tricky if you’re abroad due to the different time zones. I also unearthed my old Skype account with the profile picture of me looking like a child and the myriad of contacts that I no longer recognise. 

“Who is he?” 

Some of the names and faces were utterly unfamiliar. But I found Skype to be patchy and unreliable. Obviously the main platform I was missing was WhatsApp. Not having the ability to instantaneously message individuals and groups was the main inconvenience from the off. 

I found out that you can’t upload photos or send messages on Instagram if you don’t have a phone. Messaging from a laptop is not allowed. And it lead me to ask why Instagram only lets you upload photos from your mobile? I guess it’s because they want to be with you all the time. 

Twitter ended up being my go to site as its’ functions did not differ whether on phone or laptop, so I could still post pictures and videos as well as sending direct messages. The only slight drawback of Twitter is that most people use it more as a work related platform and very few of my family and friends have it, so whilst it was useful in terms of messaging or getting in touch with some people, it had a limited effect. As I don’t use Facebook, Twitter became really useful on the trip mainly for catching up on the news. 

After I had my phone stolen I became extremely careful and cautious when going out and about and I actually started following the advice that everyone had been giving me for so long, i.e. just take out a small amount of cash with you when you leave the hotel, nothing else. 

There was an element of liberation to not having a phone at the same time as the downsides. For a short period I wouldn’t have Apple or Google or whoever else tracking my every move and my every internet search. I also had the situation whereby nobody could call me once I had left my accommodation. As I was travelling there was an element of freedom that I enjoyed. It was me on my own, back to basics. It was like being 15 again strolling into town, only now it was 2020 and I was in Rio de Janeiro… 

However there were things that I did find shifty about not having a phone; if there was an emergency and I did need to call the police, I wouldn’t have been able to. Inevitably when you are in Brazil you can end up in some edgy situations and knowing that I wouldn’t be able to call in an emergency did make me feel uncomfortable at times. 

The situation made me become much more resourceful and organised out of necessity. I would have to plan exactly where I was going each day and write down all the addresses of places to visit and the transport links of how to get there. As I had no Google maps to check en route, I had to ask for directions a lot, which made me practice my Portuguese and Spanish more than usual. One of the key learning strategies for improving your foreign language skills is to get out of your comfort zone, and without a phone in your pocket you are out of your comfort zone the whole time! So I can at least say that I my communication skills improved. A lot of the time though, when I was asking for directions people would dismissively quip,

“Just look it up on Google Maps.”

“OK Thank you.” 

That also happened when I was looking for new sites or places to visit, people would say, 

“Just have a look on Google, you’ll find lots of options there.” When I replied that I had had my phone stolen, they sometimes looked shocked and offered to Google the topic for me on their phone. 

Inevitably I ended up spending more money on the trip because I couldn’t use Uber. Not only are they more economical but they are seen as being a much safer option in South America for getting around. Regular taxis have a tendency to rip you off and take you on wild goose chases around the town whilst the meter is running. Over time I began to miss other uses of my phone. I always found it good to know how many kilometres I had walked in a day. On interesting days I’d walk 10 – 15 km whilst getting to know a new place. This is useful information especially if you don’t have the opportunity to work out much, as is the case when you’re on the hoof. 

Whilst I was walking around Montevideo in Uruguay trying to orientate myself, I came across something I hadn’t seen in years – an internet café! This was a relief as it meant I could check my emails and generally have a browse. The places barely exist anymore in the UK so I was pleasantly surprised.  I slotted in next to the gamers and some of the other lost travellers like myself with huge fans buzzing in the background. I logged in to these massive white Microsoft computers that actually worked really well. Things were going fine until I tried to open my email account (having had to relearn my password) when a message came up. 

“Someone has logged onto your email account from an unknown location. Please enter the security confirmation code that has been sent to you mobile phone now.”

It seems all roads lead back to the phone. I had to log out and move on. 

Another thing I missed was not having a portable camera in your pocket; sitting in a park on the coast in Montevideo, Uruguay as the sun turned the sky purple, white and orange across the Atlantic Ocean I thought it would be great to send an image of this idyllic scene to my family and friends. If I wanted to get a photo like that I would have to take out my camera and wait until I got back to my accommodation to upload the shots. This meant I had to be less spontaneous about what I posted and but also that I had more time to reflect on my online content. 

Montevideo, Uruguay

It was not just for taking pictures of interesting places that I had visited that was useful but also taking photos of things I needed to remember such as bus timetables or opening times. Normally I would take a quick shot of the page in question and forget about it until I needed the information, now I had to write everything down on a note pad but frequently on the back of my hand. 

The thing that you really notice is the lack of convenience that having a mobile facilitates. I remember going in a taxi to Buenos Aires airport and realising that I hadn’t checked in online before I left the hotel. Normally I would have done this en route in a few minutes. And I wanted to check the exchange rate between the Argentine Peso and the Brazilian Real and to see if I could get a decent rate at the airport. I also wanted to check the weather in my destination, Campinas, São Paulo to see if the flight was likely to be delayed. All of these things go on the backburner when you don’t have a phone and you’re left wondering about them. 

Making new contacts whilst I was travelling was also difficult without a phone. WhatsApp is hugely popular in South America and is used by companies as well as for social reasons, and without it, it was really complicated trying to get in touch with people. I had to give people my email address or take theirs which seemed like a cumbersome way of organising to meet up. Some people were completely fine with it and there was no issue, but for some replying to an email for a social event seemed like too much of an effort. There was also the language barrier issue of trying to spell out my email address in Portuguese or Spanish and most of the time I ended up writing it myself on people’s phone for them. 

Then there was the experience of noticing just how much time people spend on their phones. We’ve all had the experience of seeing a family of four in a café and all of them  glued to their screens, only putting the things down when their food arrives. This isn’t an unusual thing to see but you notice it more, because if you had your phone you’d be busy looking at it yourself!  But it raises the question, is someone on the other side of a video call or on a screen more interesting than a real person? 

The main concern about this situation is the amount of electricity we are using to power all of these phones; it must be going up exponentially every year.  The impact on the environment must be colossal and I doubt all the paper we are saving is enough to compensate for it. 

And then there’s the untoward and sinister stuff that goes on, on people’s phone’s screens. I only really paid attention to this because the absence of my own phone accentuated the point. The worst of these things would be people watching videos of things you really do not want to see on public transport. Due to the size of the screens on modern phones, it is almost impossible not to see or hear a video that a passenger sitting in front of you is watching. But there’s actually very little you can do in that situation, exposure to the content is almost unavoidable. 

And then there’s the endless conversations that seem to go on forever on long bus journeys. Sometimes I feel like going up to another passenger and saying,

“I don’t care what you’re going to do to your girlfriend when you get home, or what she thinks of it!” 

But again you’re probably better off keeping that information to yourself. 

When I got home and ordered my new phone I had the same fun and games and jiggery pokery with EE. After offering me a deal to get a new handset, they then rescinded that deal blaming the coronavirus crisis and subsequently offered me a more expensive package. Surely a sign of things to come. 

Now that I’ve ordered my new phone I’m really looking forward to getting back in touch with all the people I haven’t spoken to for the last two months, in what has been a turbulent time. I’ve realised that life without a phone in the 21st century is almost impossible if you want to work, travel, socialise or generally have a life. Whether we like it or not these small computers in our pockets are now indispensable for getting by. 

Brazil: A Biography – book review

By Lilia M. Schwarcz and Helosia M. Starling 

Published by Allen Lane, translated edition in 2018. 

Hardback cover: The construction of Brasília by Marcel Gautherot

Brazil’s past is covered in meticulous yet readable detail in this stunning new history of South America’s largest country. Schwarcz and Starling have produced an enjoyable read that takes the reader through the various stages of Brazil’s history, right from the early days of discovery and colonisation in the early sixteenth century, to the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in 2016 and its consequences for the modern day country. These two historians have managed to produce an in depth narrative that manages to seamlessly combine social and political history. 

This is a large undertaking at 602 pages, however the text manages to keep the reader’s attention and is engaging throughout. The perspective from which the book is written is objective and fair and seeks to give as accurate an account of the past as possible. Key themes such as the transatlantic slave trade, the Portuguese Royal family’s arrival in Rio de Janeiro in 1808, the Brazilian Empire and the republican revolution of 1889 are all dealt with in a thorough way. The authors demonstrate a high level of research and the detail provided facilitates an easier understanding of what is a relatively complicated history. 

A series of five maps, demonstrating how the territory of Brazil has changed since its early days of colonization, to the present day, aid the reader in understanding the geographical environment in which the historical events take place which is extremely useful. They also show just how big the country became over a period of 500 years; indeed, with the exception of the region of Cisplatina, which makes up the current nation of Uruguay, Brazil did nothing but increase in size right up until the 1910’s. This is a demonstration of the truly continental size of the country. There are also a series of colour prints of relevant paintings and photos that illustrate some of the key episodes considered by the authors. 

Map of Brazil in 1889

Brazil has had a turbulent past but the authors do not seek to shy away from these difficult episodes, on the contrary they face them head on. Thorny issues such as national identity are discussed.  

“Since Brazil has been Brasil – since the country first created its identity as a nation – there has been a long history of internal conflict, violence, attempts at self- government and demands for equality – accompanied by the gradual development of human rights and citizenship. “

P.577

They are equally as unflinching when it comes to the gruesome subject of slavery and its legacy. This is a topic that is becoming more and more discussed in Brazil as an integral part of its past. In a subchapter entitled “Slavery is synonymous with violence” (p.85) the historians state.

“The repetitive, arduous, exhausting work on the plantations was in itself a form of violence. This forced labour, betokening as it did the authority of the master, instilled a constant feeling of dread, as well as terror of the collective punishments that were frequently applied.” 

p.86

Brazil imported the largest amount of captives from the African continent than any other nation, between 4 and 5 million slaves over four centuries of the trade. With this in mind it is good to see that the topic is now being examined in more detail and with more frequency. 

Dealing with more recent times, the military dictatorship of 1964-1985 is dealt with in a clear and balanced way, exposing some of the techniques used by the military hierarchy to justify their repressive and at times violent means of government. 

“The AI-1 [First Institutional Act] also allowed the military police to arrest people en masse, close off streets, conduct individual house-to-house searches, all of which occurred in 1964… when around 50,000 people were detained in a deployment that police baptized ‘Operation Cleanup’.” 

p.523

The crimes committed by the state during this dark period in the country’s history are discussed in a courageous way; this is still a traumatic topic for many Brazilians who lived through that regime and many of the atrocities are still coming to light today. The historians also relate the struggle that Brazil has faced emerging out of military rule and how democracy has had many setbacks since 1985. This included erratic economic policy and an instable currency, the nadir of which was the decision of the then president, Fernando Collor, to freeze all citizens’ bank accounts, which had a disastrous effect. 

“In the banks, part of the money [80%] in checking accounts was blocked… the amount withheld would be returned in eighteen months… Twenty years later 890,000 individual court cases and 1,030 class actions are still waiting for a judicial decision.” 

p.570

Mr Collor later (in 1992) resigned on the eve of an impeachment trial for corruption and misuse of public funds, an episode which demonstrated how long and complicated the road back to a semblance of stability would be for Brazil. In this analysis of the modern era, the historians manage to bridge the gap between history and political science giving the book an all encompassing feel, that gives the content a broader appeal. 

The strength of this “biography” is its brutal honesty. The historians are clearly trying to uncover uncomfortable truths about the past that they feel need to be given fresh airtime in an attempt to make sense of the present day nation. Whilst this makes for a harrowing read at times, it is however worthwhile for the clarity and insight that it provides. 

Brazilian history is not simple to understand and is also not a linear evolution, however the authors guide the reader through each era with a level of clarity and expertise so that light is shed onto even the most complicated episodes. In this respect is it recommended for Brazilianists as well as to readers unfamiliar with the topic. This is a masterful work written by two consummate academics at the top of their game. Single volume histories of Brazil are also relatively rare making this one even more significant. This is an excellent book of exceptionally high quality and therefore an unmissable read for anyone interested in the past or present of Brazil. 

Despite the lamentable situation in Venezuela, Western Powers are right to resist the temptation to send in a military intervention

Everyday the news from Venezuela seems to get worse. The images that mainly foreign journalists have managed to capture of the state of affairs is truly shocking. Government forces are wantonly killing protestors and many more are dying and suffering from the lack of medicines, basic resources such as drinking water and food, and are having to deal with regular power cuts. The chronic exponential inflation means that the Venezuelan Bolívar is now almost worthless. Scenes taken straight from Dante’s inferno are coming to light as people are starving to death and having their basic rights, like to security and education, taken away from them. This comes in stark contrast to its neighbour Colombia who has experienced a boom in recent times due to the ceasefire of the FARC rebels; peacetime has brought prosperity and stability to the country that was ravaged for so long by an internecine civil war. It is now rebuilding its nation with a sense of optimism for the future. 

            Colombia has however become the principal destination for the refugees that have fled the humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, being the natural choice for many due to its proximity and lack of a language barrier. Many others have chanced their luck in Chile, Argentina, Peru and Brazil. In the latter case, many refugees had to return to Venezuela because of the hostile reception they faced in the Northern State of Roraima, as the region simply did not have the infrastructure to receive such a large influx of desperate people. Of course there have been many who have taken the riskier route of trying to get into the United States along the long and dangerous well-trodden path through Central America and Mexico. Here they join the hundreds of thousands of people leaving counties like Nicaragua and Guatemala in their pursuit of the American dream, who also face crises of instability. The politics the way it is in 2019 in the United States means that refugees face an ever increasingly difficult job to enter the country and remain there legally, especially those coming from the southern border. Indeed President Trump turned this theme into a mantra for his election campaign in 2016. Also many Venezuelans do not own, and cannot obtain, passports and therefore do not have the necessary documents to apply for asylum in other countries that are further afield. Despite all this it is estimated that at least 3 million Venezuelans have already fled their homeland in the last few years. 

            Nicolas Maduro’s reign in power since 2013 has moved from the position of president to dictator, due to the questionable validity of the elections that have taken place in the country. Many Western national and international bodies including the UN have questioned the validity of the results. Maduro won his first election in 2013 by as small margin, gaining just over half of the ballots cast. However in the 2018 election he won a landslide victory with 67% of votes. Many commentators have pointed out the ironic disparity between the ever decreasing quality of life faced by Venezuelans in Maduro’s first mandate and the massive increase in the vote for the president in his second election victory. 

Maduro primarily inherited a large and loyal following from president Hugo Chávez who died of cancer at the age of 58 in 2013. This charismatic leader was the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (the ruling party’s) founder and spearheaded the socialist revolution that was based on jingoism and opposition to the United States’ hegemony in the region. It is in large part the doings of Chávez that has brought Venezuela to its knees today, such as the nationalisation of the oil companies and the reduction in international trade. However he had just enough momentum and charisma to keep his popularity high before his early death in office turned him into a martyr for the far left. His portrait is now adorned on T-shirts and murals much in the same way as Che Guevara’s, often with the same beret, representing a form of military communism. 

Whilst Chávez may have got away with promoting a sense of nationalism in the face of the imposing superpowers, Maduro has run out of cards to play. His country struggles on from one day to the next and if it were not for the support of the military he would surely have been ousted from his position by now. He does have some international support, notably from China, Cuba, Turkey and Russia, the latter of which has sent in war planes and troops to help support the government. This has been greeted with much alarm by the neighbouring nations especially Brazil and the United States who see this as another example of the Russians interfering in international affairs where they are not wanted, the other salient example being in Syria. Quite what the Russian military is doing in Venezuela is hard to tell, but it is likely to have something to do with the extensive oil reserves. 

The proclamation of Juan Guaidó as the acting President of Venezuela in January of 2019 has been a welcome and bold step by a man who has clearly risked his life for his country. He has taken the extremely courageous move of announcing his presidency in a country that has an active militia.  But now at least foreign powers have someone to coalesce around and support. There is now someone who can start the rebuilding process of a nation that has been truly broken, once Maduro has moved aside. 

Such are the wealth of natural resources in Venezuela, it seems even more hard to understand how the successive governments have squandered the potential of this gifted nation. An aggressive foreign policy with vitriolic rhetoric against the United States and its South American neighbours, plus a cosiness with Cuba has lead to a state of isolation in the region. But there has also been mismanagement of public funds and corruption on an industrial scale that has brought this country down. 

Ever since Neville Chamberlin’s campaign of appeasement of Adolf Hitler in the 1930’s, Western powers have been nervous about the rise of dictators and the manipulation of democracy, and rightly so. However the failures of foreign military interventions, the most clear cut examples being Vietnam, Iraq and Libya, mean that governments are now less likely to commit to full scale invasions. These three countries suffered enormous hardship as the result of war from foreign invasions that left protracted periods of upheaval. Such is the natural wealth of the oil that Venezuela possesses comparisons are already being made with Iraq. 

The Venezuelan situation looks bleak at the moment. And Nicolas Maduro is unlikely to give up his power easily. The option of applying sanctions on the country by many western powers has really become the only amount of leverage that is available to put pressure on the president. However this has likely affected the poorest and most vulnerable people in society the most. Juan Guaidó and his supporters have a difficult job on their hands to regain power from the tyrant who currently occupies the Miraflores Palace in Caracas, but he should be commended for making a stand. The next presidential elections are due in 2024 and they will be hoping to find an new means of ousting the president before then. However Western powers should not follow Russia’s lead and send in foreign military machines or send troops. The crisis in Venezuela should be resolved by its own citizens. 

Jair Bolsonaro’s election came as a shock, but it was almost inevitable in the context of Brazilian politics

When Jair Bolsonaro was elected as the 38thpresident of Brazil on 28thOctober 2018 it was the book end that drew to a close the right wing election victories that took in the Brexit referendum, the Trump election, the election of Iván Duque in Colombia and the rise of right wing movements across Europe. It was a bizarre and shocking campaign which saw him get stabbed in the stomach at a rally in Juiz de Fora in an assassination attempt, meaning that he was unable to take part in any of the television debates. Whilst he was ahead in the polls throughout it seemed that a candidate, who is even more shocking and out spoken than Donald Trump, could ever be president, purely for the amount of offence that he had caused to minorities including women, LGBTQ people and African descendants. You only have to Google his name to find a list of articles and videos providing compilations of his most shocking outbursts which are highly offensive. He also advocates more flexible gun ownership regulation for citizens, something that has recently been written into law, in the aim of giving greater protection against violent crime, which is a serious problem in Brazil. His threat to pull out of the Paris Climate agreement of 2015 is also a deep cause for concern, in a country that has most of the world’s tropical rain forest in its territory, as is his support of General Pinochet’s use of torture in the Chilean dictatorship. 

Bolsonaro is a strange combination of populist and establishment. He has been a sitting member of Brazil’s lower house for over 30 years and he had a reputation as a maverick but also someone very much in the background. A military man who reached the rank of Captain in the army, he showed his loyalty and faith to the armed forces by appointing Hamilton Mourão, a retired general, as his vice president. In fact Bolsonaro was biding his time rather shrewdly judging by the convincing nature of his victory (he gained 55% of votes in the second round). He was a leading critic of Dilma Rousseff and her party and was a fervent supporter of the impeachment that lost Dilma the presidency in 2016. He was also very close to the subsequent President Michel Temer who started the right wing transformation of government that Bolsonaro took up. 

Politics goes in waves and eventually people vote for a change of direction; a near perfect storm for the left wing Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores) meant that they were doomed to lose this election from the outset. First of all the original and preferred candidate (and past president) Lula da Silva was imprisoned on corruption charges in April of 2018 meaning that the eventual candidate, Fernando Haddad, really did not have sufficient time to start his own campaign and became the default candidate. An ex-mayor of São Paulo and a very able politician, he made some key errors in the campaign the worst of all being, going to visit the ex-president in prison on a weekly basis. We can only speculate what these meetings were about, but to the local press it was seen as the pupil getting advice from his mentor. Haddad also did not make any attempt to apologize or atone for the wrongdoings of his party in terms of the corruption during the campaign.   It is worth mentioning that if Lula had not been imprisoned he would likely have won the presidency again from indications of the polls at the time of his arrest, such is the messianic appeal that the man has to his supporters. 

Photo by Tamis Souza on Pexels.com

The Workers Party was in power for thirteen years from 2003-2016, which is a long time for any party to rule in a democracy. Lula was elected on a surge of optimism for the future which was so present in the tens, and his socialist policies were exactly what Brazil needed at the time. He successfully implemented social welfare programmes like “Bolsa Família” a system which paid low income families to keep their children in school and later “Minha casa, minha vida” which meant that people could apply to the government for a grant to buy a property. Both of these policies were extremely successful in giving people a higher quality of life and more financial security. And for a while Brazil seemed to be on a high. It successfully bid and won the right to host both the Football World Cup (2014) and the Summer Olympic Games (2016) in two years, an achievement that no other country has done before. Surely this was the start of a new era for the sleeping giant of South America. These large sporting events did ensure that Brazil was in the world spotlight for the right reasons for the first time in living memory. However there were claims that Brazil was biting off more than it could chew; that one of these mega events would have been more than enough to do its job of raising the profile of the nation in the world’s eyes. Many of the venues used for the games are still sitting empty and dilapidated. 

In the event the impeachment process of Dilma Rousseff had actually commenced by the time the Olympics came around and at a time when Brazil was meant to be basking in the glory of international attention and reaping the rewards of its hard work, the focus was split between the sport in Rio de Janeiro and the impending impeachment of its first female president for corruption charges in Brasília. The final impeachment vote took place on 31stAugust 2016 just ten days after the end of the Olympics.

Corruption would be the downfall of the Workers Party in the end. Two major corruption scandals were uncovered by lawyers; the first was known as the “mensalão” scandal in 2005 whereby politicians were being bribed on a monthly basis to vote for government proposals in a supply and demand agreement which is not legal in Brazilian law. 

Whilst this was a shocking revelation it was totally eclipsed by what was to come later down the line, the mother of all corruption scandals, known as the “car wash” scandal (known as “Lava-Jato”). This was a sophisticated operation whereby executives would use the state owned oil company, Petrobras, to launder money in the form of taking bribes to award lucrative contracts. The ruling politicians at the time claimed to not know of the goings on of Petrobras, but critics accused them of turning a blind eye which would eventually lead to the charge of “passive corruption”. In total an estimated US$9.5 billion was laundered making it the biggest corruption operation in Latin American history, a region that is not unfamiliar to the practice. Dilma Rousseff took the brunt of the public and political anger for this (ongoing) legal case, and was the decisive factor in her impeachment trial. 

Photo by Pedro Sandrini on Pexels.com

If this wasn’t bad enough, Brazil’s already serious problem with violent crime rose at an exponential level during the Workers Party time in office. This reached its peak in 2017 (albeit the year after Rousseff left office) when 64,000 homicides were reported, the highest number (though not rate) of murders in any country in the world. According to El País newspaper it is “The country that kills the most.” It points out that more people die in Brazil on a regular basis than in Iraq or Syria. In this way Brazil is disadvantaged by bordering many of the major cocaine producers in the world, namely Colombia, Peru and Bolivia, meaning that much of the narcotic trafficking goes through large Brazilian cities on the way to Europe and the United States. These well-trodden paths for the drug gangs have inevitable and appalling knock on effects for the communities that they touch. 

To top it all Brazil went into recession in 2014 in their financial crisis, the effects of which are still being felt today in 2019. Unlike the subprime market crash in the US and the subsequent recession of 2008, the 2014 Brazilian recession was blamed solely on mismanagement at government level and unsurprisingly corruption and the inevitable waste of capital that goes with it. 

With all of this in mind is it any wonder that Brazilians voted for a change? It seems difficult to understand why Brazil, which is so rich in natural resources is not a wealthier country. It is the largest producer of coffee and sugar in the world and is a significant exporter of iron ore, crude petroleum, soyabean, meat and poultry to name just a few. Why was it that the United States a country with a similar history, had flourished so much and Brazil was so far behind? There are many facets to the answer of that particular question, but one issue is the high taxes that Brazilian companies are bound to, in stark contrast to the US. Why not let the private sector drive the growth as opposed to allowing the politicians to take such a large share of the profits? Especially in a country where corruption is such a huge problem and much of tax revenue ends up lining the pockets of politicians? This is something that Bolsonaro has promised to do, and his appearance at the Davos World Economic Forum was to this extent, announcing to the World that “Brazil was open for business”. If he manages to do this he will certainly improve the finances of the country which is still very closed economically, on an international level.

            Brazil faces some significant obstacles in the goal of overcoming its financial problems. Most pressing of all is the challenge of its ever rising national debt and the interest connected to it. And the reform of its generous current pension scheme which takes up a large part of GDP. 

            With all of this in mind it makes it easier to understand why the Brazilians did not vote for another socialist government and opted for a move to the right. There were other more moderate candidates in the first round of the election such as Geraldo Alckmin or Ciro Gomes who might have stood a better chance in the second round. These were more centre politicians who were far less polemic and extreme. But it seems that the reaction and backlash against left wing politics, meant that there was an appetite for radical change in the political landscape which fed into Bolsonaro’s conservative and deeply religious agenda. Although he is himself a Catholic, his wife is an Evangelical, and he managed to tap into the latters’ growing influence and power in the country. Once he had made it through to the second round in a head to head against a Worker’s party candidate, there was likely to be only one winner. 

            The unpalatability of some of the comments Bolsonaro has made cannot be changed and it seems unlikely that he is going to retract them, but if he can implement some of the fiscal reforms that he has pledged to do then he will undoubtedly improve the financial situation of his country, and create more opportunities for its citizens, in the goal of making Brazil a safer and more prosperous place to live. Whether he can achieve this and whether this is enough to compensate for the hurt that he has caused by his vitriolic outbursts remains to be seen.